Not everything changes over time … 100 days after the Gavrilița Government took office and four months after the last parliamentary elections, the opposition cannot recover from the electoral paralysis of July 11th. Neither the extra-parliamentary one (except Dignity and Truth Party), nor the parliamentary one. The communists and socialists, as a whole or separately, seconded or not by the Shor Party, failed in the 100 days, as they claimed, to become a strong opposition, which the parliamentary majority of the Action and Solidarity Party takes seriously when adopting decisions.
In fact, all three parties (all of the left) only regularly speculate on the pandemic, economic and social crises, more to make their presence in Parliament than to influence the state of affairs, as an opposition. We are by no means thinking of excluding the opposition and its role in the governing process. The Action and Solidarity Party needs opposition, although it is not a cooperative party.
We need a qualified, well-intentioned opposition and not for their interest, but for good and stable governance in Moldova. This is already known, if you have a strong opposition, you get a strong Government. But a constructive relationship in this respect with the left belonging to Dodon, Voronin, and Shor is almost impossible to achieve, at least for the reason that these leaders do not want a strong Action and Solidarity Party Government. Another reason is the existence of different geostrategic visions and the mafia-criminal nature of these formations and their leaders. But the question remains: why does the Action and Solidarity Party not make a partnership with the extra-parliamentary right, in a situation where it is becoming increasingly clear that it is in a crisis of ”good people” to speed up the process of cleaning state institutions and make progress on European integration and the fight against corruption? Is there really nothing left of the ACUM (Action and Solidarity Party and Dignity and Truth Party ed.n.) Government?
After 100 days since the Gavrilița Government got to power, taking into account all the good or not that good comments on the Government’s first steps, we are once again convinced that the July 11 elections were more than just a regular election. It was an electoral war against the mankurts (people who have lost touch with their national roots) and the left-wing mafia. The point (let’s hope) of this election is not that it brought the Action and Solidarity Party to power, but that it kicked off a monstrous, anti-popular, toxic, and damaging system to Moldova, to which the Action and Solidarity Party has declared “0 tolerance” nationwide. The July 11 elections were, figuratively speaking, a tsunami for Moldovan politics, from which the political parties, involved in the election, especially those rooted in power, came out without sails and masts, unable to recover even today. It was an unprecedented political shipwreck. In our political practice, there have been three other cases in which the governments have entered entirely into the hands of a single party. It happened in 1994 (winning the elections by the agrarians) and in 2001-2009 (winning the elections in two consecutive elections by the communists). It’s just that their victory was against Moldova: the agrarians laid the foundations of a state of corruption and banditry, and the communists multiplied and consolidated it. Corruption, theft, the pursuit of money and wealth have become state policy, not officially declared in Moldova. We know what it was and how it was. One clarification: all this agony lasted 27 years.
What happened on July 11 was absolutely different: the parties of the system fell (communists, socialists, “Shor-ists”, democrats …), the system itself began to fall apart. For now, at the party level. It also follows at the level of institutions. It is the first time in 30 years of Moldova’s existence that a right-wing party gains full power. The Democratic Party, the longest-running parliamentary party, was sent to resign, the Socialist Party led by Dodon and the Shor Party were sent into opposition – all three, parties to which the most scandalous cases of corruption, robbery, money laundering are linked.
The leaders of the left are, day by day, more and more alert and confused. The Stoianoglo case keeps them stressed. They have problems with the law. Although they are aware that their chances to get to power are very low – neither Dodon, nor Filip, nor Voronin (who formally remains the leader of the Communist Party), they are obsessed with the thought that their parties have even a small chance to return to big politics. Will they be back? And if so, how? By replacing the old leaders, who have put their parties in opposition, with new ones? Where will they get new people? And will they really be new, if they are elected in the same parties, at the suggestion of the same old leaders (who are usually with the money), with the same way of thinking and the same political school?
In the experience of Moldova, we have no precedents when the parties that once lost the battles on the electoral field have not lost them forever. We haven’t had out-of-grace parties for the people to long for, or compromised leaders for the people to cry for, because sooner or later they were unmasked one by one. Even the Cristian Democratic Popular Party, which was the legend of Moldovan politics until 2005, was not exempt from this fall. The only political organization that did not compromise on anything and that remained a model of stoicism and dignity was the National Liberation Movement. It’s gone. All that’s left are the echoes. We miss it. It is perhaps the most important thing that could show us solidarity as it did in the late 1980s. Then, in the struggle for liberation from Soviet occupation, now – for liberation from the theft and robbery that occupied and plundered Moldova. We succeeded then, why wouldn’t we succeed today?