• EDITORIAL: Ruling Power Without Opposition

    EDITORIAL: Ruling Power Without Opposition
    by
    17 August 2021 | 12:25

    For 30 years, exactly since Moldova declared its independence from the Soviet Union, we have always had strong parliamentary oppositions, against selfish, uneducated, and corrupt majorities. July 11, 2021, changed the political situation in Moldova. In one day we are left with an absolute parliamentary majority, consisting of 63 deputies from the Action and Solidarity Party and an opposition represented by three political parties: the Socialist Party, the Communist Party, and the Shor Party. For all the politicians who arrived after the last parliamentary elections, the results were surprising. The new parliamentary majority did not suspect (the electoral list proves this finding) that it could achieve such a result, and those in opposition, especially those from the Socialist party, did not assume that they would get such a low result from their electorate.

    Today the score is the one we have: 38, divided into three, versus 63. In a civilized state, this proportion probably wouldn’t matter much. Sometimes very few deputies can be an effective opposition. In Moldova’s case, the risk that we would not get an efficient parliamentary opposition is very high. The escape on vacation, at sea, of the main leader of the opposition, Igor Dodon, right at the beginning of the activity of the new Parliament, clearly showed that people don’t care what happens in the Parliament. Vladimir Voronin, the leader of the Communist Party, after his return in politics after a break of several years, wanted to show great concern for the fate of street children, probably forgetting that during his tenure as head of state, Moldova was subjected to the biggest wave of exodus, and those who left then did not dare to return to a state filled with corruption and lies. The problems generated by the communist government have plunged society into poverty, leaving whole generations of single elderly people and children abandoned by their parents. Voronin, however, does not talk about it…

    The situation of the other leader of the parliamentary opposition, Ilan Shor, is even more hilarious. Burdened by criminal cases, put on the run for fear of serving his criminal sentence, he just throws outrageous statements and nothing more. Shor says that his party supports the Action and Solidarity Party Government, but, at the same time, does not vote on the projects proposed by it.

    One could wonder: how does it happen that people are so attracted to power when they lose it, their whole universe collapses? It seems that this is the case of the former governing power of Moldova.

    The current parliamentary opposition is so amorphous that it has been silent and does not defend even the General Prosecutor, appointed and voted by them (currently the new Government is preparing his resignation). Other initiatives of the new power also seem to go unnoticed by those in opposition. Do they agree with the changes or, are they scared?

    Outside the Parliament, the situation is amorphous as well. The results recorded in the last elections by the parties that did not enter the Parliament are so discouraging that all of them left. If they are silent, giving the new power time to adapt to the great responsibilities that have fallen to them, it is one thing, but if they do not hear because they are tired and irritated by voters who did not vote for them, they do not want anything or don’t care anymore, it’s completely different.

    And outside Parliament, the situation is amorphous too. The results recorded in the last elections by the parties that did not enter the Parliament are discouraging and have left all the electoral actors disembarked by voters. The situation could be understood in two different ways: either they are silent and decided to give the new power time to adapt to the great responsibilities that came with their mandate, or they are tired and upset with the voters who did not vote for them.

    It is an enormous risk to leave an almost absolute power in the state without being monitored step by step by the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary opposition, by the press, and civil society. Even the most correct, the firmest, the most principled power can, in a moment, derail from the chosen line. There is no better teacher than your enemy and any power needs such enemies.

    AUTHOR MAIL eng.zdg@gmail.com

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